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A week is a long time in politics, Middle East edition

Whisper it, but in the long run, tentative diplomatic rapprochement between Trump and the ayatollahs could augur well for our industry

After the last few days of craziness, shipowners and marine insurers have earned their Friday evening after-work drink

THE adage that a week is a long time in politics is widely attributed to Harold Wilson. If those words did pass the former British prime minister’s lips, it was not with specific reference to the Middle East. But the past seven days in that region highlight the ongoing applicability of the maxim.

The things that have occurred since this time last Friday have been tumultuous for all sectors of our industry. That’s the posh term, anyway. Crazy would be the common parlance.

Tensions had already been ratcheted up by Israeli air strikes aimed at decapitating Iran’s incipient nuclear programme.

Asked whether the US would join the bombing campaign, Donald Trump was uncharacteristically coquettish, telling a press conference: “I may do it. I may not do it. Nobody knows what I’m going to do.”

By the early hours of Sunday morning, he had done it. Bunker buster bombs had fallen on Iran’s main enrichment facility at Fordow.

How far this escalation has gone towards achieving its ostensible objectives depends on whether you want to believe leaked intelligence reports, in which case the answer is not very far, or Trump’s subsequent insistence that Iran’s drive for the bomb has been set back by decades.

Shipowners and marine insurers returning to their desks last Monday were faced with the immense task of assessing the implications for the businesses. By and large, they kept their cool.

The possibility of Iran closing the Strait of Hormuz was widely discounted as sabre-rattling. Even so, it cannot have been any surprise that tanker spot rates for VLCCs and LR2s doubled.

Some industry heavy hitters, led by Frontline, publicly stated that they were not taking Hormuz fixtures until matters clarify.

Owners with greater risk appetite found the war risk premiums demanded by underwriters doubling to 0.5% or more of hull value. But that’s an overhead cost, and more than offset by the jump in charter income.

Chinese and Turkish tonnage seems to have benefited from their governments’ perceived neutrality. Some vessels with US, UK or Israel links could not secure cover at any price, Lloyd’s List was told.

By the time people knocked off for the day, the expectation was that a new equilibrium had been reached. Then a ceasefire was announced overnight.

Admittedly, ceasefire is always a relative term in the Middle East, and durability is hardly the default option. But by Wednesday, matters looked pretty much they way they did before the clashes between Tel Aviv and Tehran.

 

 

 

It’s worth adding that oil and gas has continued to trade smoothly throughout this crisis. Iran has even increased its exports and once the numbers are in for June, may even have hit a seven-year high.

China now depends on Iran for 15% of its crude requirements. While that is no business whatsoever of Mr Trump, he has given such consignments his explicit social media blessing.

After months of so-called maximum pressure on Iran and sanctions on Chinese refineries for entirely lawful purchases of Iran’s output, this is tantamount to a U-turn. It may also be a carrot dangled ahead of impending talks with the ayatollahs.

It is in the interests of all concerned to keep oil prices down. Brent crude topped $70 per barrel while prospects were looking hairy a couple of days back, before dropping back slightly.

But expensive oil is detrimental to the global economy. All we are saying is give peace a chance, because that is in the best interests of capitalism.

Elsewhere in the world, Trump has signally failed in his ambition to end the Russia-Ukraine war on day one. But comments from his secretary of state Marco Rubio hint that the US is not in line with Europe in its desire to ramp up sanctions on the Kremlin.

The normalisation of Iran and Russian loadings would destroy the business model of the shadow fleet, clearing the ground for operators of modern, efficient and properly insured tankers.

Diplomatic rapprochement between Washington and Tehran may also restrain the hand of the Houthis, who have been forthcoming with the usual bellicose utterances.

But they are unlikely to act against the interests of the government that finances them and supplies them with the ordnance. That may eventually enable a return to the Red Sea, although it is far too early to make a call on that one.

In the interim, perhaps the US and its allies could even strive to reach a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action by way of accommodation with Iran. It’s astonishing that no previous president has come up with such an obviously sensible strategy before.

Let us end with the hope that next week will not prove as madcap as this one was. We’ll find out soon enough.

Meanwhile, shipping professionals and underwriters with Middle East exposure reading this before they head to the bar for a Friday after-work drink have certainly earned the right to sink a couple of cold ones.

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